Professor Seun Kolade is a professor of entrepreneurship and digital transformation at Sheffield Business School, Sheffield Hallam University, United Kingdom. He is also the convener of the International Alliance for Justice and Peace (IAJP), a citizen advocacy organisation based in the UK. In this interview by SAM NWAOKO, he speaks on a number of issues around Nigeria’s new national anthem, governance, among others.
The old Nigerian National Anthem is now our new song. Nigerians have been reacting to its re-introduction. What do you think about the new anthem?
The new anthem is a step back in the wrong directions, and for all the wrong reasons. It is rash and unreflective, because if any thought was given as to why that anthem was abandoned 46 years ago, they would not have returned to it. The anthem was written by a colonialist. That’s not the only thing wrong with it, but it is an important point, in terms of its propriety and the reflection on the agency of the colonised peoples to construct their own identity and history. Then you have use of colonial words like tribes and natives, pejorative words that were deployed by colonialists to proclaim their superiority and, so to speak, prepare their colonised peoples for the slaughter. Words that Westerners would not use to describe their own peoples, then or now… I’ve heard of Welsh and Scottish nationalities but no Welsh tribesmen. That is saying something.
What is your opinion on the speed with which the two chambers of the National Assembly passed the bill that reintroduced the anthem?
The entire process is underhand. The “speed” betrays the guilty conscience of legislators who were desperate to escape public scrutiny. It also exposes a major flaw with our democratic process. For an undertaking of this magnitude, the lawmakers did not undertake any consultations to the constituents they represent. It is a dirty slap in the collective face of citizens; it sends an unmistakable message of casual contempt. After 25 years of civil rule, we are still asking questions as to whether or not we are operating a true democracy, where people’s opinions truly count, and citizens are not treated as serfs and little children for whom decisions must be made. Democracy, in the best of climes, must be preserved by concerted efforts of conscious and empowered citizens. In Nigeria, the apparatus of the state, and all the paraphernalia of power that comes with it, has been usurped by an opportunistic elite, to serve their own selfish interest. In “Politics,” Aristotle explains that democracy can become corrupt when it shifts from serving the common interest to serving the interests of the ruling majority. When this majority abuses its power, it can pave the way for an oligarchy, where a few wealthy individuals or families gain control. This is what is happening in Nigeria, and the stealth reversion to the old anthem, without recourse to citizens, is another evidence in a long list of exhibits.
What are your thoughts on the possible significance of a national anthem inherited and one composed by Nigerians after independence?
As I hinted before, the anthem composed and produced by Nigerians after independence is an important symbolic message of agency. It is a reclamation of power by the colonised. You could argue, of course, that the word Nigeria itself was a colonial construct, and there can be a credible argument for changing it. But we are not indulging in intellectual or ideological Puritanism here. What was important was that, with Nigerians composing their own anthem, there was an exercise of agency to take ownership of, and construct, one’s own identity. Not uncritically accepting what was “bestowed” by a colonialist.
Many Nigerians think the reintroduced anthem was timed to perfection to give Nigerians something to discuss other than President Tinubu’s performance in one year. How do you see this line of thought?
I wouldn’t be surprised if there are some among the president’s handlers who buy into this line of thinking, but it is decidedly shortsighted. What it has done is crystallise, in the minds of citizens, the careless and thoughtlessness that has often characterised many of the government’s intervention, including those policies that hold positive promises but were badly executed. In this regard, this kind of move actually distracts and detracts from the well-intended policies of government. In effect, this is a case of a government shooting itself in the foot with an intervention that was either not thought through, or was willfully intended to poke citizens in the eye for the sake of it. Neither is a good thing.
Do you think President Tinubu has moved Nigeria forward so far regardless of all the cry of hardship in Nigeria?
No, President Tinubu has not moved Nigeria forward. That’s not to say that he can’t, but he has not, certainly not yet. Concerning the hardships suffered by Nigerians, there are times you’d argue that collective sacrifice is necessary in the interim to plan for a prosperous future, but that message is clearly not tenable in Nigeria’s case, because clearly the hardship appears to be reserved only for ordinary Nigerians, especially those at the lower rung of the economic ladder. The political elite has not lifted a finger, the members of that class have not given up any of their privileges. If anything, they’ve doubled down on them. That tells you all you need to know.
Which of the Tinubu administration’s socio-economic policies do you think has enhanced the hope of Nigerians in a brighter future for the country?
It is difficult to find positives in the socio-economic policies of the Tinubu administration, but it is also simplistic to summarily dismiss the policies as all doom and gloom. The challenge is that, even for the policies that are fundamentally good, the benefits appear to be too far away for the urgent imperative of citizens’ lives in the here and now. There are some investments in infrastructure for long term growth, for example, and the government appears to be prioritising the economy of the future. But only the living can see that far. In the hierarchy of needs, government needs to prioritise the problem of hunger and cost of living. It is desperate out there in the streets. Government must do something now, whilst continuing to make strategic investments for the future.
If you are to address Nigerians who have expressed frustration in the administration over high inflation, hike in the prices of food and related essential commodities etc, what would be your suasion to them?
I’d say to Nigerians, don’t let up on calling governments at all levels to account. Don’t simply take it lying down. Pursue by peaceful means of protest and scrutiny. These elected officials don’t have two heads. They are no more citizens than you are, and given the fragility of our democracy, the role of the civil society is more important than ever. People should continue to organise and scrutinise. This is the only way. However, the flip side is that it is difficult for a hungry and deprived people to effectively exercise their civic agency. Citizens groups have been known in Nigeria to be infiltrated by moneybags unleashed upon them by the elite. With little economic diversification and many citizens depending directly or indirectly on government patronage, the battle is made harder for citizens, but we have to keep the faith and keep fighting for a better country and a better future for our children and grandchildren.
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