Ambassador Danjuma Nanpon Sheni, a career diplomat who retired as Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served Nigeria as ambassador in some foreign countries, is currently the National President, Plateau Initiative for Development and Advancement of Natives (PIDAN). In this interview with ISAAC SHOBAYO, Ambassador Sheni speaks on Nigeria’s foreign policy, relationship with neighbouring West African countries, among other national issues.
Sir, what is your assessment of Nigeria’s foreign policy at the moment?
Nigeria’s foreign policy has come a very long way. From its inception, since the first Prime Minister of Nigeria, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the focus of Nigeria’s foreign policy has always been Africa. Predominantly, from the beginning, Africa remained the centerpiece, as we say, of Nigeria’s foreign policy. Over time, however, it is important to understand that foreign policy is essentially a domestic policy. The variables in your domestic environment greatly influence your foreign policy. If a country is strong economically and domestically, its foreign policy is bound to be strong. It will be well respected in the comity of nations. Conversely, if a country faces serious economic challenges, as we do in Nigeria, it negatively affects its foreign policy. This is because the strength of your internal systems determines the image and respect you command abroad. It also dictates the economic leverage you hold internationally.
In the 1970s and 1980s, when our economy was very strong, we even volunteered to pay salaries for other countries. That was a period when Nigeria’s foreign policy was robust, backed by our active involvement in peacekeeping operations worldwide. Nigeria was highly respected during that time. We were influential in the United Nations (UN), ranking among the top contributors of troops. This projected us as a strong nation globally.
However, the dynamics has changed. Nigeria began to experience internal crises, economic decline, and conflicts. As a result, our foreign policy became increasingly challenging. For example, if a country cannot pay its diplomatic staff abroad, cover their utilities, pay for office and housing rents, or even meet the salaries of local staff, it tarnishes its international image. It raises questions about how a country, once strong, can now struggle to meet basic obligations.
In the last 10 to 15 years, Nigeria’s domestic challenges have worsened. Crises, insecurity, and internal contradictions have all had a negative impact on foreign policy. Within the West African sub-region, Nigeria’s dominance has also waned. Africa remains the centerpiece of our foreign policy, but our immediate neighborhood—West Africa—holds significant strategic interests. Unfortunately, we face challenges such as the political shifts in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, which are taking these nations out of the ECOWAS framework. This development has severe implications for Nigeria.
What are the implications of these changes?
The vision of ECOWAS, established over 40 years ago by General Gowon in Lagos, is being threatened. Our vast borders, especially in the northern region, have deep connections with our neighbours. The security and economic implications of losing these relationships are immense. The departure of these countries from ECOWAS raises critical questions: who is influencing them now? Which international powers are they aligning with? Observations show that Russia and China are becoming more prominent in their affairs, which poses significant strategic challenges for Nigeria.
There is an allegation by the Niger Republic that Nigeria is colluding with France to destabilise the country, though Nigerian government has denied this. What do you have to say on this?
Yes, the warning came from no less a person than a head of state. I listened to the interview in Hausa, and I was shocked at the level of accusations made against Nigeria. Internally, the Honorable Minister of Information has rightly denied the allegations. However, I find it surprising that it was the Minister of Information addressing this issue instead of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Our military high command has also come out clearly to state that we do not have any French military presence or bases in Nigeria. That clarification is reassuring. However, we must distinguish between routine military cooperation—which involves training and equipment purchases—and the actual establishment of foreign military bases. For example, when Nigeria purchased aircraft from Russia in the past, it came with a training package. This is normal and should not be mistaken for foreign dominance.
Looking at Nigeria’s position in West Africa, with some countries now under military rule, what do you think Nigeria should do in this situation? It seems like Nigeria is losing its influence in the region.
That’s a big one. You were in this country when the military coup took place in Niger and the subsequent response from Nigeria and ECOWAS. However, we must warn [heads of] civilian governments. Civilian leaders in West Africa must stay connected to the people. Leaders who distance themselves from the public create conditions where military interventions gain popular support.
Military coups should not be tolerated, but civilian governments also need to do better. Historically, the military has caused more harm than good in governance. Despite its flaws, even the worst civilian government is usually better than a so-called benevolent military regime.
What do you think the federal government or the president can do to improve Nigeria’s foreign policy?
One key step the president has taken is delaying the appointment of principal envoys (ambassadors) abroad until adequate funds are available. While this approach ensures that ambassadors are properly equipped to represent Nigeria, it has also created a vacuum that needs to be addressed urgently.
Beyond that, the federal government must focus on domestic stability. A strong economy and secure environment are the foundation of effective foreign policy. Tackling internal crises, such as banditry and insecurity, will enhance Nigeria’s international standing. Only then can Nigeria reclaim its influence in West Africa and beyond.
There are significant challenges to the integrity and sovereignty of Nigeria. The very foundation of the country’s sovereignty is being threatened by internal crises. Those advocating the disintegration of Nigeria must realize the need to consolidate and stabilize the system. Once that is done, we can build a robust and coherent foreign policy. Moreover, we must address the issue of personnel in our foreign service. The diplomats represent Nigeria, and they are a reflection of our system. We are not recruiting diplomats externally; they are from within Nigeria, living under the same conditions and facing the same challenges as everyone else. Therefore, we must first organize and fix our internal systems before expecting better outcomes in our foreign engagements.
Currently, many of our foreign embassies are under-resourced due to a lack of appointed principal ambassadors. This is problematic, especially as the president frequently travels abroad, negotiating foreign investments and signing agreements. While our chargé d’affaires are competent, diplomacy functions more effectively at the ambassadorial level. Ambassadors have greater access to heads of state and foreign ministers, allowing for stronger bilateral engagements.
There is currently a legal dispute over a trade agreement the Ogun State government signed with a Chinese company allegedly without the federal government oversight. How do you see this?
As diplomats, we were shocked by that development. It is unacceptable for any state government to engage in international agreements without the involvement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the federal government. Such agreements require sovereign guarantees, which only the federal government can provide.
The absence of proper federal guidance creates a chaotic perception of Nigeria’s diplomacy as where “anything goes.” This is detrimental to our national image. The federal government must assert itself firmly to prevent subnational units from entering agreements that could jeopardize the country’s sovereignty or international standing.
With the government now approaching its second year in office, how would you assess its economic policies, particularly regarding subsidy removal and forex liberalization?
Let’s be fair to the government—it inherited an extremely challenging situation. The sudden removal of petroleum subsidies and the liberalization of the foreign exchange market had far-reaching effects. Transportation costs soared, agricultural production became more expensive, and the overall cost of living rose sharply.
While these policies are painful, they were necessary to stabilize the economy. However, the implementation could have been handled better. The president has acknowledged these difficulties, likening them to the short-term pain of medical surgery or tooth extraction, with the hope that relief will follow. Hopefully, these challenges will subside as the policies take root.
Security remains a critical issue in the Middle Belt region. How is your organization, PIDAN, addressing it?
Plateau Initiative for Development and Advancement of the Natives (PIDAN) was formed to unite all ethnic nationalities in the region, and we currently have 56 registered groups. Security is a top priority for us.
Since our establishment a few months ago, we have engaged with major security agencies, including the DSS, police, and Operation Rainbow. These engagements aim to exchange ideas and foster collaboration. We have also encouraged ethnic groups to strengthen their local vigilantes. These vigilantes, familiar with the local terrain, are being trained to provide actionable intelligence to security agencies.
Additionally, we are working to promote inter-ethnic cooperation. For instance, I come from the Tarok nationality, but we now understand that security challenges in one area affect everyone. If there is an incident in Mangu or Pankshin, it is no longer viewed as their problem alone; it becomes a collective issue for all of us.
We are also working closely with neighbouring states, recognizing that security threats and criminal activities often cross boundaries. Criminals do not operate based on local government areas; they move freely. By fostering collaboration across ethnicities and states, we aim to create a united front against insecurity.
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