Akin Ajose-Adeogun continues: The south-south, which has been sustaining Nigeria since oil and gas became by far her major source of foreign exchange is arguably the most neglected part of the country.
It has been subjected to “ruthless exploitation and contempt at the hands of its erstwhile northern allies,” which is why oppressed people from there, like their counterparts in the south-east, seethe “with justified anger as strong separatist currents surge and boil in restless and sporadic violence.”
Meanwhile, “the region has within its grasp the ability to significantly strike at Nigeria’s Achilles heel.” Ajose-Adeogun asserts that the south-south “is probably the most ready, psychologically and militarily, to confront the Fulani menace,” a claim that I disagree with because right now the south-east appears to be the most emotionally and intellectually prepared to pull out of Nigeria.
And speaking of the south-east, it is a region of formidable people, including an influential and powerful diaspora, and is “in the best position to quickly build up its potential massive strength into a most formidable force.”
But like the rest of the south and middle-belt, its soft underbelly is a decadent, self-serving leadership. That notwithstanding, “it is ultimately with the south-east, supported by the south-south and the reforming wing of the south-west intelligentsia and the proletariat, that the reactionary elements among the Fulani aristocracy must reckon.”
Ajose-Adeogun expects that the battle of the south-east and south-south is about to commence, upon which depends the survival of secular southern Nigeria together with “northern and middle-belt Christian civilisation, the southern way of life and the long continuity of our institutions and societies.”
Ajose-Adeogun anticipates that “the whole fury and might of the enemy must very soon be turned on us. The Fulani know that they will have to break us in the south-east and south-south or lose the war.”
In his view, if the rest of Nigeria could stand up against Fulani caliphate colonialists, “all Nigeria may be free and the lives of its peoples may move forward into broad, sunlit uplands.”
On the other hand, failure to meet the challenge headlong would mean that “the whole of Nigeria, including all that we have known and cared for, will sink into the abyss of a new Dark Age made more sinister and perhaps more protracted by the lights of perverted science. Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves that if Nigeria lasts for a thousand years men will still say ‘This was their finest hour.’ “
Next on our series of inconvenient truths about Nigeria is the recent consciousness-raising publication by one of Nigeria’s most hardworking investigative journalists, David Hundeyin. In a provocative essay entitled “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story,”
Hundeyin affirms that the seemingly intractable problem of organised Islamist terrorism in Nigeria did not start in 2009 as most people thought, and that the real story is more insidious than most Nigerians could imagine because it involves some prominent, politically exposed, northern figures.
He connects its origin to the late Ahmed Idris Nasreddin, founder of the NASCO Group of companies known for the popular cereal, NASCO Cornflakes. Nasreddin was an Eritrean émigré who moved to Jos and over the years nurtured his father’s small manufacturing business into a $460 million conglomerate which, upon retirement, he handed over to his son, Attia Nasreddin.
According to Hundeyin, for those with adequate information the incidents of December, 25, 2011 when Boko Haram carried out a series of coordinated terrorist attacks in Abuja, Jos, Gadaka and Damaturu are not only expected but are likely to intensify and become more regular.
This is because while all along Nigerians have been deliberately fed with what amounts to a tiny simulacrum of the actual story behind the Boko Haram sect, “this group had in fact been incubated and nurtured at the highest levels of the theological, economic and political spaces in northern Nigeria.”
In other words Boko Haram in reality is so much bigger than Mohammed Yusuf and Abubakar Shekau, two of the most recurrent names associated with the organisation. Also in the mix is a prominent Fulani caliphate colonialist and Islamic cleric, Yakubu Musa Kafanchan (also known as Sheikh Yakubu Musa Katsina and Yakubu Musa Hassan) who is closely connected to Sheikh Abubakar Ahmad Gumi and Isa Pantami, the incumbent minister for communications and digital economy.
These Islamist extremists were known by the Nigerian authorities since 2002 when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was president to have serious links with terrorists in the country and abroad. A leaked Wikileaks cable confirms that Kafanchan was arrested by the federal government and later released after about 27 days in detention without any good reason.
Hundeyin also claims that the federal government got a court judgment which permitted it to freeze bank accounts and assets belonging to NASCO Group alongside others owned by Yakubu Musa Kafanchan for alleged involvement in and funding of terrorist activities in Nigeria.
Another prominent Islamic cleric, Sheikh Yakubu Musa Katsina, is a founding member of the Izala Movement or Jama’atuIzalatil Bida’h WaIqamatus Sunnah (JIBWIS) which in English means Society for the Removal of Innovation and Reestablishment of the Sunnah.
JIBWIS is a hard core extremist Islamic organisation dedicated to Wahhabism, a puritanical, fundamentalist and revivalist movement within Sunni Islam generally associated with the dogmatic reformist teachings of the Saudi Arabian Islamic scholar, Muhammad ibnAbd al-Wahhab.
Adherents of the sect insist that genuine Muslims must stick to the literal meaning of the Koran and the hadith; and while declaring those who do not practice their form of Islam as heathens and enemies repudiate any attempt to subject Islamic scriptures to the dictates of reason.
It is instructive to note that Yakubu Musa Kafanchan is the current chairman JIBWIS board of trustees and also heads its Katsina state chapter. In Hundeyin’s own words, “He is a widely respected Islamic cleric and a very close personal friend and public associate of…Isa Pantami.”
It seems Kafanchan was already known by Nigeria’s security operatives as the leader of a terrorist group working to set up terror cells in Kano and Katsina as far back as 2002. Again, he is affiliated with an obscure terrorist organisation called GroupeSalafiste pour la Predication et le Combat, GSPC(or the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat) which had been “trying to carry out terror attacks in Nigeria.
Kafanchan was arrested between 2001 and 2007 for his close association with the groupyears before the world ever heard of a ‘Boko Haram. Sadly, as Hundeyin sombrely remarks, Kafanchan “is not only a free man, but a powerful free man with access to federal ministers, state governors, and President Muhammadu Buhari himself.”
Available information from official quarters before Buhari became president indicates that a certain Alhaji Shahru Haruna is a GSPC agent who bankrolls the activities of people like Sabiru Sokoto, a well-known terrorist, by laundering proceeds from smuggled merchandise.
He was arrested and detained for financing terrorism in Nigeria. But he too, like Kafanchan, is not only a free man today but a powerful Fulani caliphate foot soldier with personal connection to some of the most influential politicians and government officials especially in the north.
Hundeyin’s exposé is so detailed that it disclosed an alarming fact unknown to most people about ShahruHaruna: the fellow runs several companies registered clandestinely with Nigeria’s Corporate Affairs Commission under the name of Dan Diyma.
A circular from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) in October last year confirmed that Haruna operated a Bureau de Change (BDC) in Nigeria, which “potentially gives him access to the very funding infrastructure [for financing terrorism] that he should not have under any circumstances.”
Hundeyin also provides useful information about how the late founder of NASCO Group, Ahmed IdrisNasredeen, used his company to bankroll terrorism both in Nigeria and abroad, and traces how the lunatic Wahhabist ideology of Abubakar Mahmud Gumi, deceased father of the staunch supporter of terrorist bandits, Sheikh Ahmad Abubakar Gumi, had penetrated the upper echelons of the core northern establishment.
2001, the year YakubuKatsina initially tried to create terror cells and Taliban training camps in Kano and Katsina,is significant for understanding the sudden eruption or recrudescence of the clamour for sharia after the return to civilian rule in 1999.
The lateAbubakar Gumi had declared that Muslims should never accept a non-Muslim as leader. Now, when a succession of Muslims from ShehuShagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, SaniAbacha to Abdulsalam Abubakar were in charge, it would have been obvious that Gumi’s odious and extremely divisive teaching was being followed by Fulani caliphate colonialists if a coordinated push for the establishment of sharia was undertaken during their tenures.
Thus,the dominant northern ruling power block had to wait until Obasanjo, a Christian, emerged as a caliphate compliant president in 1999to make its move. Of course, it was not mere coincidence that beginning from 2001 twelve states in the core north led byZamfara “decided in quick succession to embrace a separate penal code from southern Nigeria based on sharia law,” an action that Chinweizu aptly describes as tantamount to a secessionistsubversion of the secular status of Nigeria.
According to David Hundeyin, understanding the political influence of the Izala movement in northern Nigeria and the power wielded by the indicted terrorists and their financiers who are very influential in Buhari’s government throws light on Boko haram as a logical outgrowth of the rise of political Islam in Nigeria rooted in Salafism made popular by Abubakar Gumi and his ideological successors.
Surely, Gumi’s use of funds from Saudi Arabia and propagation of Wahhabi brainwashing dogmas in the 1970s is intimately connected to the adoption of sharia in northern Nigeria, the emergence of violent salafists such as AbubakarShekau and Isa Pantami, and the eventual inevitable mass uprising against the Nigerian state that took place in the north particularly when Muhammadu Buhari lost to Goodluck Jonathan in 2011.
Again, although misinformed gullible Nigerians believe the false notion that the Buhari government is fighting to end the Boko Haram terror, one has always argued that the core objectives of the terrorist organisation synchronises very well with the long standing goals of Fulani caliphate supremacists, particularly those of the Izala movement “which is Nigeria’s most influential Islamic sect.”
So, it is not surprising that Boko Haram has continued to consolidate its nefarious activities years after they were declared “technically defeated” by Alhaji Lai Mohammed. The conclusion deducible form Hundeyin’s well-researched essay is clear and unimpugnable: Buhari’s purported war on Boko Haram is taqiyyah or deception meant to deceive weak-minded Nigerians who do not understand the longstanding Fulani caliphate colonialist programme of Islamising the entire country.
Now consider this: AminuDaurawa, a Muslim fanatic who hyperbolically eulogised the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States became the first chairman of the hisbah police in Kano state and remains a high-ranking member of Izala movement. Hundeyin makes a very disturbing claim about Isa Pantami and President Muhammadu Buhari that should be a matter of serious concern to anyone interested in living within a secular progressive Nigeria.
To start with, despite his convenient and insincere denials of strong connections with Islamist terrorism Pantami, like Buhari,is an unapologetic sympathiser of the Izala movement whose extremist activities both men pretend to be fighting against.Hundeyin expresses the point with his characteristic clarity: “There is no way that the Nigerian president is not aware of Yakubu Musa Hassan Katsina’s history as a known terrorist, as well as the Izala movement’s extremely problematic history and current composition.
And yet, as recently as 2018, President Buhari was pictured in Aso Rock meeting with Izala movement’s president, AbdullahiBala Lau,Yakubu Musa Hassan Katsina, KabiruGombe, and Ibrahim JaloJalingo.”Make no mistake about it: the ideological ally of Muslim terrorists now occupies the most powerful political office in Nigeria and standing solidly behind them “just as he stood solidly next to Isa Pantami.
The Izala movement has won and everybody else has lost.” Notwithstanding the exculpatory hot air written by few quota system pseudo-intellectuals from the north against Hundeyin’sscathing report, “Cornflakes for Jihad: The Boko Haram Origin Story” reveals why Buhari not only continuously supported murderous Fulani herdsmen and Boko Haram even before he became president and afterwards but also why he criticised Dr.Goodluck Jonathan’s onslaught against the terrorist sect in 2013.
Moreover, it sheds more light on why the president appointed Muslims mostly from the north to head the most critical loci of power in Nigeria’s security architecture, the Nigerian Customs Service, Immigration, Nigerian Ports Authority and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation amongst others.
Northern Muslim colonisation of Nigeria is in full effect while myopic, avaricious and knuckleheaded southern politicians and the elite in general are busy speaking highfalutin English and picking crumbs that fell from the table of Fulani caliphate colonialists.To be continued.
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